Dmitryi Panto
In the face of war, what can an individual do? How to respond to confusion, chaos and violence? What choices must be made when the world is falling apart morally? The life of Marian Heitzman – an intellectual whose story I would like to share with you – offers one of the possible answers to these fundamental dilemmas. Right from the start of the war, Marian Heitzman chose his own, unique path. Until the very end of his life, he endeavoured to approach decision-making in the spirit of true humanism.
Marian Heitzman’s biography is a story full of twists and turns and unexpected changes. Sometimes by his own choice, at other times forced by circumstances, he moved between countries, cities and even continents. Throughout his life, he took on many roles: he was a philosopher, an academic, a scientist, a diplomat, a military officer, and an administrative and civil servant. But above all, he was a man who made tough decisions, made mistakes, and who, in the harsh conditions of war, had to learn to control his emotions and his temper. Not always did he succeed. Such a colourful life story could easily inspire several parallel biographies.
From Seminarian to Diplomat
Marian Heitzman was born in Brody on 20 October 1899, to Henryk and Kazimiera (née Szajnów). At that time, Brody was a county town in the Kingdom of Galicia and also the final border post between Tsarist Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The town was an important transport and logistics hub. His parents were teachers by profession and valued learning and education. In future, they will do everything they can to provide their children with the best possible education.
Information about the earliest years of Marian Heitzman’s life is scarce. It can nevertheless be assumed that his parents placed great importance on their children’s early education, teaching them the basics before they began formal schooling. In 1905, Heitzman attended the first class of St Joseph’s Elementary School in Lviv. He completed the years 2, 3, and 4 at the Tadeusz Kościuszko School in Tarnów. In 1909, he passed the entrance examinations and was admitted to Middle School No. 2 in Tarnów. Between 1909 and 1911, he completed two years of schooling and continued his secondary education.
After a brief period of service in the Austrian army, in September 1918, Heitzman enrolled at the Faculty of Theology at Jagiellonian University. At the same time, he was a candidate for the priesthood at the Diocesan Seminary of Kraków. At that time, seminarians from Kraków studied at Jagiellonian University, whilst living at the Seminary and undergoing their spiritual formation. It is clear from this that Heitzman originally intended to devote his life to the priesthood. For reasons that remain unknown, however, he left the Seminary in 1921 and transferred to the Faculty of Philosophy at the Jagiellonian University. He chose to specialise in history and the philosophy of science. He completed his studies, which he undertook between 1921 and 1924, by defending his doctoral thesis entitled: “John Wycliffe’s treatise De Universalibus and its influence on the Universities of Prague and Kraków”. The examination took place on 18 March 1925.
After completing his doctoral thesis, he began working at the Maria Konopnicka State Grammar School in Ostrog and at the Czartoryski Library in Kraków. It was not until 1928 that he was appointed to the Faculty of Philosophy at Jagiellonian University, where his academic career took off with great success. In June 1929, he was awarded a postdoctoral degree and continued his work at his home department. In 1929, thanks to a scholarship from the Ministry of Religious Denominations and Public Education, he travelled to Florence, where he began his research into the history of 15th-century philosophy, particularly the Florentine Platonic Academy.
Before the war, Heitzman not only wrote his most important works, but also established himself as a philosopher and historian of philosophy. In his research, he developed the concepts of Étienne Gilson, focusing on the connections between Florentine Platonism and patristic and medieval philosophy. He also proposed a genetic method for the study of Renaissance philosophy, which, at a time when the study of the history of philosophy was dominated by static historical accounts, was a clear innovation.
The outbreak of the Third Reich’s invasion of Poland stirred in him a sense of responsibility for the fate of his homeland, deeply ingrained through his upbringing and education. For him, defending his country was not merely a civic duty, but something far more personal – a moral imperative stemming from the values he believed in and practised every day. He could not imagine standing idly by whilst his nation suffered and his independent state was being undermined. That is why, as early as 5 September 1939, just a few days after the outbreak of war, he volunteered at the mobilisation centre in Kraków, taking his own car with him – which, given the circumstances at the time, was a sign not only of readiness but also of determination. This moment was particularly etched in the memory of his wife, Halina Heitzmanowa, who recalled years later:
“Marian was a reservist; he had not been called up for military service. But he decided that the war could not go ahead without his participation.”
On 13 October 1939, together with Stanisław Kot’s family, Jan Tabaczyński – the future legal adviser to the Polish Embassy in the USSR – and Dr Karol Aleksandrowicz, Heitzman set off towards the Romanian border, where they crossed the border together at the Cheremosh River near the town of Kuty. On 16 or 17 October, the whole group arrived safely in Bucharest.
In Romania
Upon arriving in the Romanian capital, Heitzman began the process of obtaining a Polish passport and the visas required to travel to France. The situation at the Polish embassy and consulate, against the backdrop of the September defeat and the new government, was peculiar. Stanisław Kot recalled: “Government offices, the embassy and the military attaché’s office emphasised their loyalty to the new government in Paris, but they too were staffed by people from the former regime, with whom they had long-standing professional ties and personal relationships.”
Determined to continue the fight, Heitzman set off by train via Yugoslavia and Italy to France. He travelled to Milan with Ida and Alina Kotowa. He arrived in France between 1 and 3 November 1939.
In France, Marian travelled toCoëtquidan, where, from 12 September 1939, there had been a centre for the formation and training of Polish units. On 3 November, Heitzman, then a second lieutenant, was assigned to a special regiment, from which the 1st Tank Battalion was later formed, where he served until the end of 1939. In January 1940, he was promoted to lieutenant and posted to the 4th Technical and Logistics Company.
As to what, apart from Heitzman’s professionalism, led to this promotion, we can only speculate; however, it is worth bearing in mind two important factors. The first was his knowledge of English, which, particularly in the early stages of the war, was not a common skill amongst the Polish elite and general staff. The second was his friendship and close ties with Stanisław Kot. This connection placed Heitzman on one side of an intense political dispute raging amongst Polish politicians in exile. At that time, the faction to which Professor Kot belonged held real power, which is why Heitzman found himself among the closest associates of the future Polish ambassador to the USSR. In addition to his military duties, he was also enlisted by Stanisław Kot to work within the civilian structures of the government. In February 1940, following the reorganisation of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers, the Political Department was established; its remit included organising communications with occupied Poland, underground activities and emergency social assistance. As early as June, Heitzman became head of security in the aforementioned Department.
Following the evacuation to the United Kingdom, security matters were taken over by the Ministry of the Interior, with Professor Kot appointed as Minister. From July 1941, Heitzman was placed on leave from the army, and in August he was employed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
At the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
His transfer to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs marked a clear turning point in both Heitzman’s professional career and his personal life. Stanisław Kot, who took up the post of Polish Ambassador to Moscow in August 1941, took him with him. His work within the embassy involved representing Poland’s interests at an extremely difficult political juncture, under conditions of constant threat from the Soviet security apparatus. Every move made by Polish diplomats was meticulously monitored by NKVD officers, who sought to gather compromising material and to hinder the embassy’s work in every possible way. Surveillance, wiretapping and even attempts at disinformation were a daily occurrence.
It is not quite clear exactly what Heitzman’s role was at that time. It is likely that, following the embassy’s relocation to Kuibyshev, he worked as a personal attaché. His duties included, amongst other things, reviewing documents and correspondence, as well as preparing for the visit to the USSR of General Władysław Sikorski. The evidence also suggests that he was the person responsible for setting up the network of branch offices.
In December 1941, he was appointed delegate to the embassy in Samarkand, a post he held until March 1942 . Owing to the massive influx of Polish citizens into Uzbekistan, the formation of the Polish Army in the region and the stationing of its headquarters there, the Samarkand outpost was of paramount importance after the Embassy itself. It was the main mission for the whole of the southern USSR; the delegates were in constant contact with the Embassy by telegraph and telephone. Stanisław Kot described the mission as follows:
“It is the largest, most important and most sensitive mission. […] Now that President (sic!) Stalin himself has designated certain areas of Uzbekistan for the civilian population, and with the redeployment of our divisions – both old and new – along the entire railway line there, the delegate in Tashkent will have the most important task to carry out after the Embassy.”
The delegation’s jurisdiction covered a total of 11 districts and 71 regions of the Uzbek and Tajik SSRs and the Karakalpak Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, covering an area of over 522,000 square kilometres. The climate there was continental, with very hot summers and short winters. These conditions gave rise to numerous epidemics of infectious diseases amongst the Polish settlers. A single railway line ran through the entire area from north to south, with a branch line leading towards the Fergana Valley. It was the main link between Tashkent and the European part of the USSR. Polish citizens mostly settled along the railway line, within a distance of up to 100 kilometres from it. These settlements could only be reached on foot or by donkey. Communication with Polish citizens who found themselves in the Karakalpak Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was particularly difficult, as the region could only be reached by travelling down the Amu Darya River.
The number of Polish citizens fluctuated significantly with the arrival of military convoys, soldiers’ families and other people seeking a milder climate. At various times, the figure ranged from 90,000 to 115,000. There were over 21,000 children alone. Around half of the Polish citizens in this area were Jewish. The Delegation’s staff consisted of 20 employees and around 50 representatives. There were 10 day-care centres, 45 child feeding centres, two outpatient clinics, 25 hospitals, three shelters, nine homes for the disabled, two canteens, five children’s homes and 20 orphanages operating there.
Heitzman arrived in Samarkand, probably in early April. One of the first urgent matters was to obtain formal authorisation from the Soviets for the representatives, which would allow them to begin work in the field. One of the most important tasks was to provide food for the tens of thousands of people gathered around the Army’s assembly points. It was also necessary to unblock the transport of timber from the Altai Region, which was essential for the construction of disinfection chambers to help combat infectious diseases. The delegate also had to draw up a budget for the facility. It was a challenge even to obtain paper, stationery and passport forms.
For Heitzman – a philosopher and humanist – the essence of the delegation’s work lay in working with people. However, reaching everyone was beyond the capabilities not only of an individual, but also of an institution. In April 1942, the staff of the Office were involved, amongst other things, in the search for the poet [journalist and theatre critic] Zdzisław Broncel, and looked after the wife of Bogdan Kościałkowski, a diplomat and delegate in Chymkent, who had fallen ill and was being cared for by the Office and the local hospital. They also supported General Lucjan Żeligowski’s sister, Maria Kaziunas, and even Marshal Piłsudski’s brother, Jan, who had gone into hiding in Bukhara following the so-called amnesty. The delegation also intervened on behalf of Polish citizens who had been mistreated by the local authorities.
In prison
The situation of Polish citizens in the USSR deteriorated in July 1942, following the closure of the offices. By the end of that month, the Soviet authorities had closed all the offices. The process of closing them down proceeded as follows: a search, the confiscation of documents, seals and money, the arrest of the delegate and his closest associates, and finally the sealing of the delegation’s offices or the delegate’s private office.
Arrests at the Samarkand branch began as early as the end of May 1942, when the representative for the Tashkent region and the branch’s former security officer, Władysław Bugajski, were arrested. The detention of the branch’s staff took place on 16 July. The decision and arrest warrant for Heitzman were drawn up on 15 July by NKVD Lieutenant Bezrukin. The document accused the delegate of conducting intelligence activities on behalf of Poland and other countries. Given the gravity of the “crime” and the “criminal”, it was decided on 17 July to transfer Heitzman to Tashkent. The first of the delegate’s three interrogations did not take place until 23 August. During these meetings, the delegate gave a detailed account of his background, skills and responsibilities. There were also plenty of questions of a political and ideological nature. He was even asked whether he was Jewish.
On 25 July, Marian Heitzman was released from prison “due to the absence of evidence of a criminal offence”. This was undoubtedly aided by the intervention of the Polish Embassy in Kuibyshev, a statement by the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, Achmed Khan, and Heitzman’s diplomatic immunity. Together with nine other delegates – diplomats – he was released after approximately two weeks in prison.
His release was accompanied by a demand that he leave the USSR immediately. He left the Soviet Union together with other delegates, who were released as a matter of priority due to their diplomatic immunity and the efforts of the Polish Embassy in Kuibyshev: Adam Głogowski, Witold Ploski, Stanisław Lickindorf, Bohdan Kościałkowski and Henryk Słowikowski. First, he had to reach Kuibyshev, only to set off almost immediately, travelling the same route, through Uzbekistan towards the Soviet-Iranian border.
We will publish Part II of the text soon.
Dr. Dmitriy Panto – Certified Curator at the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk
Translated from Polish by Małgorzata Giełzakowska